The New Blue Wall

Predictions as of 9/30/2018:

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The Democrats’ best path to control of the Senate is simple:

  1. Hold all of their current seats
  2. Win the open seat in Arizona
  3. Unseat Republican incumbent Dean Heller in Nevada

Objectives 2 and 3 are both reasonably achievable. Arizona is 4-5 points more Republican than the nation as a whole, but with the national environment leaning 8-9 points in favour of Democrats, the seat is slightly favoured to turn blue, our model gives the Democrats a 69.3% chance of achieving this. Nevada is 1-2 points more Democratic than the nation as a whole, but the Republican incumbent makes matters more difficult for the Democrats. In fact, the advantage provided by incumbency is even greater in less populous states such as Nevada, such that even in spite of the heavily Democratic national environment, Senator Dean Heller has only a 68% chance of losing their seat.

Surprisingly, it is holding onto all of their current seats that will be most difficult for Democrats. 10 Senate seats currently held by Democrats in states which voted for Donald Trump are up for election, including the deep red states of North Dakota, Indiana, Montana, Missouri, and West Virginia. The GOP is not favoured to win any of these states individually, but overall it is unlikely that the Democrats hold on to every single one of these seats.

Since 1992, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin all voted for the Democratic nominee for the presidency in every election up to and including 2012. Together they represented an absolutely crucial block of electoral votes which the Democrats came to depend on and refer to as the “blue wall”. In 2016, the entire election hung on these states, and Donald Trump’s successful campaign to win over non college educated white voters in the Upper Midwest allowed him to tear down the blue wall, simultaneously winning the election and threatening to torpedo Democrats’ future chances in the electoral college for decades to come. If Trump’s coalitions in the Upper Midwest hold up in future elections, Democrats would struggle to reach 270 electoral votes. They need 38 more electoral votes than Clinton won in 2016. Florida provides only 29, and after that they are running out of options without the blue wall. Democratic campaigns would have to make bold attempts to win over voters in quite red states such as North Carolina and Arizona, perhaps with attempts to energise ethnic minorities into turning out in larger numbers than have ever been seen before.

The 5 Democratic Senate seats in deep red states, North Dakota, Indiana, Montana, Missouri, and West Virginia, form a similar blue wall in the Senate. They are absolutely crucial to Democratic hopes of controlling the upper chamber of Congress. There are 27 states rated as leaning significantly more Republican than the nation as a whole, compared to only 15 leaning to the left. Hence, in order to control the Senate the Democrats must be able to win over voters in red states, and this year every Democratic Senate seat in a red state is up for re-election, with the sole exception of Doug Jones’ seat in Alabama. This is extremely unfortunate for the Republicans, as the national environment being so unfavourable for the GOP this year may allow many of the strong Democratic incumbents to survive. Every single incumbent the Republicans can defeat hugely improves their prospects in the Senate over not just the next 6 years but the next two decades. Without the advantage of incumbency, Democrats would be hopeless in these deep red states, and without these crucial seats they would also be hopeless in terms of controlling the Senate as a whole.

SenatevPVI

In terms of 2018 alone, losing even one seat in this blue wall in the Senate would hugely damage Democratic chances of overall control. The only realistic opportunities for Democrats to make additional gains beyond Nevada and Arizona to make up for losing part of the blue wall are an open race in Tennessee, which leans 14 points to the right, and Texas, where strong Republican incumbent and big name Ted Cruz has $24 million and counting to defend the state, which is a full 8 points more Republican than America overall. So Democrats desperately need their incumbents to lock up key states, before they can truly entertain the possibility of control of the Senate.

 

 

 

Introducing RedvBlue’s Senate Model

Predictions as of 9/29/2018:

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On November the 8th 2016, 129 million Americans went to the polls in one of the most bitterly fought and important elections of the 21st century. Over the course of the following night, Donald Trump’s huge upset victory was gradually unveiled to tens of millions of people watching with baited breath. The result defied almost all predictions, and left the GOP utterly dominant in the political landscape. There were 33 Republican governors, and the GOP held reasonable majorities in both chambers of Congress. As if this weren’t enough, there was an open seat on the Supreme Court, which Trump promptly filled with conservative Neil Gorsuch. With the recent retirement of Justice Anthony Kennedy, Trump and the Senate Republicans are rushing to replace Kennedy with Brett Kavanaugh, whose confirmation would create a conservative majority in the Supreme Court which could last over a decade, securing control of all three branches of government for the GOP.

There’s just one fly in the ointment for the Republicans. The 2018 midterms are just a week and a month away, and various indicators are looking good for the Democrats. Trump’s approval ratings are barely beating 40%, and the Democrats are at an 8-9 point advantage in national polling. Republican structural advantages, such as gerrymandering of house districts, help to mitigate some of this Democratic lead, but there is still a strong possibility that Democrats will be able to wrest control of at least one chamber of Congress. These elections will determine whether or not Trump’s GOP will have 2 years of total control of the federal government. The stakes couldn’t be higher.

RedvBlue’s Senate model attempts to accurately predict the outcome of 2018’s highly competitive battle for the upper chamber of Congress. The model is probabilistic, meaning that it runs hundreds of thousands of simulations of the election, counting the results of each, to eventually arrive at a set of results including the probabilities of various outcomes. The model takes into account the following factors:

  • Polls of individual races, the nation as a whole, and presidential approval. Polls are adjusted according to sample size and the pollster who published them, then weighted against one another, with higher quality polls being attributed more weight than lesser polls and polls with a smaller sample size.
  • Similarity between races. This is a particularly important factor in races with minimal polling. Races are compared against one another according to the nature of the state in which they are taking place, and the candidates running in them. For each race, predictions for similar races are used to infer additional information to assist with accurate simulation.
  • Typical expectations for each race. These are the factors one would look to if there were no polling at all. Most prominent amongst these is the incumbent Senator, their party, and their previous margins of victory. Other factors assisting in weighting the expectations include the partisan lean of the states in which each race is taking place, demographic factors, the population of the state, congressional approval ratings, and fundraising.
  • The time until election day. As the election draws closer, uncertainty will decrease, and the model will weigh polling increasingly heavily.

Currently, the model is showing Republicans slightly ahead in the race for the Senate, despite a seemingly large Democratic lead in the popular vote. This is due to 2018’s Senate map. Of the 35 seats up for election, 26 are already held by Democrats. This gives them few opportunities to make the 2 gains they need to win the Senate. Furthermore, many of these 26 seats are in red states which overwhelmingly voted for Trump in 2016. Races in North Dakota, Indiana, Montana, Missouri and West Virginia all present very real opportunities for Republicans to make gains of their own, which the Democrats can ill afford given their limited options. But if we learned only one thing from 2016, it is that in American politics, just about anything can and will happen.